Still no word on Gamal – Bush administration meetings

From yesterday’s State Dept. press briefing:

QUESTION: On Egypt. The Egyptian Government is warning that if there are demonstrations again this week it will crack down once again and throw people in jail. So I’m wondering if you feel like your strategy last week about talking about it from this podium and urging them to be more democratic has had any impact whatsoever. Have there been any high-level conversations about the U.S. displeasure if this happens again?

And finally, did the Secretary happen to run into Gamal Mubarak last week on his visit here?

MR. MCCORMACK: Funny, just happened to be at the White House and she ran into him there, yes.

QUESTION: Yeah, in the hall —

MR. MCCORMACK: No, I’ll let the White House talk about various meetings over at the White House. But yes, the Secretary was in a meeting that was hosted by Steve Hadley and Gamal Mubarak was in the United States on private business. She attended the meeting. I believe if you talk to my friends over at the White House, they’ll tell you the President stopped by the meeting. And as for any further details, I refer you over there.

QUESTION: Okay.

MR. MCCORMACK: Down the street.

QUESTION: The demonstrations?

MR. MCCORMACK: In terms of demonstrations, you know, I’m not aware that there were going to be — that there were going to be additional demonstrations. We will urge, as we would with the interaction between any government and its people, that the — any demonstrations take place in a peaceful manner, that all parties avoid any provocation to one another that might result in resort to violence.

Certainly, we have in the past and continue to call upon the Government of Egypt to allow peaceful freedom of expression. We believe that that is an important part of any healthy, functioning democracy that the people have the right to, in public, express their views whether the state likes those views or not, and be free from physical violence by the state. And of course, the state has a responsibility to provide a secure environment for all its people and we would hope and expect that the government could provide for security for its population while allowing for peaceful protest.

QUESTION: And one final thing. Last week, we talked about whether any aid would be at stake if they continued this kind of behavior. And I think over the weekend maybe a GAO report came out that said that the Administration does not even have in place a mechanism to gauge whether your aid is going to the right places and whether it has actually helped move democracy forward in Egypt specifically. Did you see those reports?

MR. MCCORMACK: I saw the press reports. I don’t — haven’t looked at the GAO report myself. There are — as with any aid program, we have monitoring mechanisms. I don’t know if the dispute with the GAO report has to do about whether or not those were — those mechanisms are robust enough. I’m happy to look into that for you.

QUESTION: Is that a State Department responsibility or —

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, it’s split because the bulk — the bulk of our assistance to Egypt flows through Foreign Military Sales and other kinds of military-to-military assistance programs. The State Department, of course, you know, plays some role in terms of hosting those offices at Embassy Cairo that oversee those aid programs. But in terms of the State Department element of this, I don’t have a dollar figure for you. Yes, we do have aid programs in Egypt, but I don’t have a dollar figure for you, Teri.

The friends over at the White House, thus far, have not been asked about this. Someone needs to ask what topics they were discussing, because thus far we have no idea. Not that the answer is likely to be useful, but still…

MB poll: Majority thinks Brotherhood is moderate

I came across this unusual poll on the Muslim Brotherhood’s English-language website:

Mbpoll

Obviously this is not representative of anything, but I find it interesting that the MB would ask this question on its own site, which obviously is not only read by fans since over 31% of respondents think the MB are either extremists, extremists pretending to be moderates, or terrorists. I voted “unclear,” which seems to be the majority opinion of those who don’t view it as moderate. Incidentally, I don’t see any polls on the Arabic website.

The judges vs. the state: a primer

I have received the document below, which is essentially a backgrounder to the current situation between Egypt’s judges and the Mubarak regime. It was formulated by a group of Egyptians involved in activism, human and the media to get a better picture out there of what this crisis is really about: the castration of the judiciary as a branch of government. In other words, the crisis is bigger than the two judges — Mekki and Bastawissi — that have been at the center of the storm:

Current events in Egypt represent an escalation in the conflict between a government intent on domesticating the judiciary, in order to expand the executive’s dominance in political life, and the judiciary’s attempts to ensure their independence and ability to act as a check on executive power. In recent years, the judiciary has become an important actor in efforts to maintain the separation between government branches. In June 2000, Egypt’s Supreme Constitutional Court passed a landmark ruling that all elections must be supervised by judges. Then, in 2003, a decision by the Court of Cassation (the Highest Appeals court) null-and-voided parliamentary electoral results for a high-ranking executive official. In response, the government has pursued a number of strategies to isolate and intimidate proponents of judicial independence.

The Court of Cassation’s president, who simultaneously represents the executive as the head of the presidential-appointed Supreme Judicial Council (SJC), has sent threatening letters to outspoken judges. The presidency is also implicated through appointments of known pro-executive judges to high positions throughout Egypt’s court system as well as a presidential decree that increased the retirement age of bench judges from 66 to 68 (against the will of the Egyptian Judges Club). More recently, the executive drafted a new judiciary law that is scheduled to be passed by parliament before the current session ends in June. The bill, which was not subject to any consultations with judges, is rumored to ignore the demands of the Egyptian Judges Club for greater independence and to further accelerate the process of the executive’s appropriation of the judiciary.

The source of the current protests is the attempt to dismiss two judges (Hisham al-Bastawisi and Mahmoud Mekky) who have publicly argued for the autonomy of the judiciary from the executive branch. The SJC has begun “competency” investigations into the two individuals on charges that they reported cases of election rigging in the country’s three most recent elections last year, spoke to the media about political affairs, and ‘disparaged’ the executive-affiliated SJC. Such investigations are unprecedented in Egyptian history. At least five more judges have been formally named and could be investigated in future cases. The response of Egyptian society and the international community is crucial in determining the fate of Egypt’s independent judges.

The executive has feigned all responsibility and refused to interfere in this matter by declaring that it is solely an internal judicial matter. This could not be further from the truth. Rather, these measures represent a culmination of the executive’s recent attempts to control the judiciary. What is at stake is the future autonomy of an already embattled judiciary to assert itself as a check to executive power and will. At the core of this struggle is the state’s attempt to nationalize the judiciary as its central legitimacy tool.

The Egyptian Judges Club has sought negotiation and compromise measures, which have all been rebuffed by the executive and led to an unavoidable showdown for control, power, and the future. The regime is determined, at seemingly any cost, to eliminate the independent judges from state ranks so that future governance – and an impending transition of presidential power – is unobstructed and declared legitimate by the judicial branch. This, in effect, has turned the situation into a zero-sum game in which the regime must increase the use of its repressive apparatus through detention and beatings of peaceful demonstrators, who are standing in solidarity with the judge’s demand for autonomy.

The two judges currently under investigation are scheduled to appear in front of the SJC-appointed disciplinary board in Cairo on Thursday 18th of May. The judges say they will appear before no such body until the security forces are removed from the streets and nearly 400 activists – from all political trends – that have been detained since 24 April – are released. Demonstrations, which have previously been met by severe repression and violence by the security services, are scheduled across the country. Yesterday, the Interior Ministry issued a statement banning “unlawful” protests, which is being understood as a threat of further escalation against demonstrators.

The interest of ordinary citizens in the judges is at unprecedented levels as the executive pursues its unprecedented measures against them. The judges – particularly those under investigation – have been catapulted into legendary hero status. The current events in Egypt are no mere crackdown on political parties, extra-parliamentary protest movements, or Islamist-leaning organizations – it is about the very nature of future governance.

A general protest, led by the judges, is scheduled for the 25th of May to mark the ongoing struggle between the executive and judiciary as well as to remember the one-year anniversary of the flawed referendum that amended the Egyptian constitution. These are occasions for those that care about the future of Egypt and the democratic rights of all to get involved.

Please distribute this document as widely as you can, particularly to relevant personalities around the world who work on Middle Eastern issues in government, academia, NGOs, the media and so on. It’s important that the current situation is not just seen as being about the integrity of two judges, but rather the independence of an entire branch of government. In the coming years, whether Egypt moves away from an authoritarian political model or not, the judiciary will be a key to legitimacy. Considering that the succession of President Hosni Mubarak has been left unclear, and that his own son may be vying for the job, the current crisis might be seen as an effort by the regime to smooth out obstacles to certain succession scenarios that are potentially unpopular.

Update: A French version of the same document is after the jump. Version Francaise du document sur les juges Egyptiens ci-dessous.

Continue reading The judges vs. the state: a primer

Judge Bastawissi hospitalized

Hisham Bastawissi, one of two judges currently facing disciplinary action for having reported electoral fraud during last December’s parliamentary elections, is reported to have been hospitalized this morning after having a heart attack. No doubt the stress of the past few weeks had a role in that.

Bastawissi was due to return to court tomorrow for another disciplinary hearing.

More info later as it becomes available.

Update: There is coverage of Bastawissi’s condition at here (or here):

One of the judges at the center of a conflict between the Egyptian judiciary and the government had a heart attack on Wednesday, throwing into doubt the future of disciplinary proceedings against him.

In the Nile Delta town of Shibin el-Kom, police fired teargas to disperse protesters who gathered at the law courts in solidarity with the two judges and with a campaign for judicial independence from the executive, opposition leaders said.

Judges Club President Zakaria Abdel Aziz said judge Hesham Bastawisi was in serious condition in hospital after the heart attack at 3 a.m. Rights groups called on the authorities to postpone a disciplinary hearing set for Thursday.

“They gave him seven electric shocks … Of course he cannot go on trial tomorrow,” Abdel Aziz told Reuters.

Islamist imagery

From a guide to interpreting Jihadi imagery:

Hell B

The motif of jahanam, which means “hell” in Arabic, is often used in jihadi propaganda to discredit enemies and to emphasize the notions of good (Islam) and evil (enemies of Islam). The concept of Hell in Islam is similar to that in Christianity and Judaism. It is a place of eternal suffering and fire for the wicked, the tyrannical, and the unjust.

In one of the examples below, the concept of hell is used to boast about the deaths of what are represented as two American soldiers. The text of the image reads the same in both Arabic and English, literally: “They went to Hell.” The notion of hell and the gruesome pictures serves as propaganda against the Coalition Forces, and they are an attempt to boast of jihadi victories. It also serves to bolster the resolve and reinforce the religious righteousness of the anti-occupational jihadi insurgency. By labeling dead Coalition soldiers as people who are destined for Hell, the jihadi cause (i.e. those who brought about the death of these soldiers) is presented as the righteous side of the conflict.

From the Islamic Imagery Project — which includes sections on nature, geography, people, and “warfare and the afterlife.” There are some odd examples in there, and they shouldn’t say “Islamic” when they mean “Islamist,” but it’s an interesting project.

Gamal Mubakak meets Bush, Cheney, Rice, Hadley

Gamal Mubarak met with Dick Cheney and other senior US officials the day after last week’s protests:

Gamal Mubarak, 42, a powerful political player and widely considered a possible heir to his father, Hosni Mubarak, told the U.S. officials that Egypt is committed to further democracy but said it would be a long-term process that will include setbacks. “There was no tension at all,” Egyptian Ambassador Nabil Fahmi said in an interview. “They listened to his explanation of what was happening.”

. . .

[Egyptian ambassador to the US Nabil] Fahmi said Mubarak was on a “private visit” and decided to see top administration officials Friday. A source familiar with the talks said Mubarak came to the United States to renew his pilot’s license. Neither side announced the meetings, which were first reported by al-Jazeera television and later confirmed by U.S. spokesmen.

Aside from Cheney, Mubarak had a separate White House meeting with national security adviser Stephen J. Hadley. President Bush stopped by for a few minutes to shake Mubarak’s hand and convey greetings to his father. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stayed for a portion of the discussion with Hadley. It is unusual for a private foreign citizen with no official portfolio to receive so much high-level attention.

Why does he have a pilot’s license in the US? Is he a US citizen? Would someone really make a trip all the way over there to renew a pilot’s license and, while at it, casually stroll by Dick Cheney’s office to see if he had time for a cup of coffee and a nice chat? And meet the president while hanging around the West Wing’s water cooler?

My bet is that this is related to the heat Egypt has been getting in Congress on the military aid issue. And that would suggest, contrary to common pundit wisdom in Egypt, that Gamal does indeed have a foreign affairs/security portfolio on top of his public domestic policy/economy agenda. But of course it could be about all kinds of other issues, not least succession scenarios and his father’s ailing health, which is rumored to be a growing concern in US circles.

Half way (11)

May 14, 2006

It was hard coming back. I mean it’s never easy, but this time around, after three weeks in Cairo and getting married, it just seemed that much tougher. I also knew, I was now half way done.

I waited two hours at the airport until the security team was free to come pick me up. Already in May, the hot wind was like a hair dryer in the face, presaging just how awful it would get over the next few weeks.

We worked our way through light midday traffic, through a city so broken down that it makes Cairo look leafy. A blue and white police pickup truck with mounted machine gun pulled up next to us and I slumped lower in my seat. As it passed, I saw that the back of it was filled with blood spattered corpses, limp hands and feet dangling over the tailgate.

Continue reading Half way (11)

University profs to protest for judges/detainees on Sunday

University professors — presumably the same ones that have been campaigning for State Security to move off-campus and greater academic freedom — will be holding a demo in front of the High Court in Downtown Cairo at noon on Sunday to call for the release of recent detainees.

Correction: Have received a message saying that the professors are actually heading a delegation to meet with the Prosecutor General. I suppose there is still a good chance they won’t be able to meet him and that it will turn into a demo.

Manif. pour les juges Egyptiens a Paris le 24 Mai

There will be a protest in support of Egyptian judges and detainees on 24 May in Paris:


Appel de solidarité avec les juges égyptiens
Pour la libération de tous les détenus

Les magistrats égyptiens sont en lutte depuis des années pour obtenir l’indépendance de la justice. Récemment, ils se sont massivement opposés à la fraude électorale, lors des élections présidentielles et législatives en 2005, et ont publié une liste noire des juges qui ont fermé les yeux sur la fraude. Le gouvernement a alors décidé de traduire deux magistrats-symboles du club des juges et de leur lutte, Mahmoud Mekki et Hicham Bastawisi, vice-présidents de la cour de cassation, devant une commission disciplinaire. Mais ni les deux juges, ni le club des juges ne s’est laissé faire. Ils occupent leur club et ont lancé un large appel de solidarité.

Depuis, de jour en jour, la répression s’amplifie.

Le 24 avril, les forces de police ont attaqué les citoyens rassemblés devant le club des juges, arrêtant une douzaine de personnes. Quand le juge Mahmoud Hamza est sorti en déclarant que les citoyens étaient sous la protection des juges, il s’est fait rouer de coups et a du être transporté à l’hôpital.
Le 26 avril au soir, la police attaque une nouvelle fois le rassemblement et arrête 15 personnes.
Le 27 avril, jour où Bastawisi et Mekki comparaissent devant la commission disciplinaire, l’accès au tribunal est bloqué par des milliers de policiers, pour empêcher les manifestations de solidarité. Les manifestations ont eu lieu malgré tout mais près de 15 personnes sont à nouveau arrêtées.
Le 30 avril, le gouvernement égyptien reconduit l’Etat d’urgence pour deux ans
Le 7 mai, la police arrête 15 personnes, dont 3 femmes, en les insultant et en les rouant de coups, devant le tribunal où devaient comparaître les détenus.
Le 11 mai, jour où Bastawisi et Mekki devaient à nouveau comparaître devant la commission disciplinaire, des milliers de personnes manifestent pour l’indépendance de la justice et la fraude électorale, malgré le blocus policier, qui empêche manu militari les journalistes de filmer, roue de coups les cameramens d’al Jazeera, et arrête 273 personnes. Dans la matinée, une journaliste de l’opposition se fait kidnapper par les sbires de la sûreté, molester et déshabiller en pleine rue, rappelant les heures noires du 25 mai 2005.

Le 25 mai prochain, un an après la mascarade du référendum sur les élections, les juges appellent à une nouvelle journée de solidarité. A cette occasion de nombreux rassemblements auront lieu devant les Ambassades d’Egypte dans divers pays.

La lutte des juges s’inscrit dans un combat plus large pour la démocratie, mené par les forces vives de la société égyptienne. Ces forces mènent depuis des années une lutte acharnée et difficile contre une dictature qui ne puise sa force que du soutien de l’administration américaine et de ses alliés européens.
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Leur victoire sera aussi la notre.

Pour soutenir le mouvement des juges et demander la libération de tous les détenus:

Envoyer des lettres de protestation au procureur général, Maher Abdel Wahid
Fax: + 202 577 4716

Rassemblement devant l’Ambassade d’Egypte, le 24 mai à 14h, 56, av. d’Iéna, 16ème, métro Iéna