Burke on Morocco

Jason Burke, author of “Al-Qaeda: Casting a Shadow of Terror”, has a long Magazine piece in today’s Observer. It’s pretty much your standard Morocco at a crossroads between modernity and tradition piece of the kind that gets written all the time by foreign journos, even if it does contain a decent and eclectic selection of interviewees. While worth a read, I found it ultimately disappointing particularly as it has no particular focus when it talks about the need for reform and does not really seriously look at the presence of al-Qaeda inspired groups in Morocco, which should be very timely.

The recent arrests and attacks in Casablanca are very much worth investigating. In Morocco itself there is a debate between those who believe the group was linked to al-Qaeda or merely inspired by them. The government is pushing the line, credibly from what I’ve gathered from Cairo, that they were an amateur group that was much less sophisticated than, say, the group behind the 16 May 2003 bombings or the recent bombings in Algeria. There is also a debate in the Moroccan media about whether prisons are in effect becoming indoctrination centers for Islamists. Some of the men involved in this latest group were minor Islamist fellow travelers who were apparently radicalized in prison. They were pardoned and released a few years ago, as part of a royal amnesty on Islamist prisoners since so many had been rounded up after 16 May 2003. Burke’s piece largely points to poverty as the key radicalizing factor — a dominant analysis of the success of Islamist groups in Morocco (both non-violent and violent). Although there’s no denying that Morocco is a country of much poverty and many injustices, I have problems with this way of looking at things. It dismisses the very real, pragmatic manner in which a terrorist cell is formed: someone not only has to provide the guiding radical ideology (not mainstream Islamism, but rather its violent radical form) as well as the knowledge and resources to acquire and build weapons, stay secret, escape police surveillance, and more.

The group that was recently dismantled obviously did not have any great training. But to say it was merely the result of poverty is obscuring the threat of individuals, or networks of individuals, that are propagating this type of radical Islamism. Terrorists can be rich or poor, we have seen. Last year, the Moroccan security services dismantled another cell that included of former military officers — not the poorest of the poor. To keep on pointing to the poor allows to escape accountability on the really important sources of terrorism: radical Islamist websites, funding networks from the Gulf and elsewhere, information networks such as the ones led by “former” radical Islamists in London, and the experience of veterans from the Afghan civil war and now the Iraqi civil war. And, of course, the regional and global symbolic context of a “clash of civilizations” or “war on Islam” backed by very real occupations, daily scenes of injustice and selective disregard of national sovereignty does not help. Some types of poor people — notably young men — may be easy to recruit from, but focusing on poverty brings the risk of considering the poor inherently suspect.

Contract on Ahmedinejad

From Yediot Ahronot:

We need to kill him
Israel should not shy away from threatening to kill Iran’s Ahmadinejad
Uri Orbach

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has to be killed. Really be killed, I mean, physically. He should be eliminated, put to death, assassinated, and all those words that serve to say the same thing.

Former Mossad Director Meir Amit said this explicitly in a recent interview with the “Kfar Chabad” weekly. It is indeed a very impolite way to express our disgust with the Iranian archenemy. Government officials, including ones who have retired already, usually merely hint at such matters – that is, if they choose to talk about them at all.

I feel that way about a lot of politicians. Perhaps the entire region should resolve its conflicts through assassinations. It would save a lot of lives. I guess the Israelis are learning from the Syrians here.

Representing the other (and oneself)

The Kevorkian Center at NYU (were I currently study) organized a wonderful literary symposium yesterday. In the morning, Elias Khoury, Yitzhak Laor and Yael Lerer spoke of “Representations of the Other in Literature,” particulary Israeli-Palestinian literature.

I have just recently read Ghassan Kanafani‘s novella “Return to Haifa,” which is generally considered to have the first humanized depiction of an Israeli character in Palestinian literature. Khoury also mentioned the work of the poet Mahmoud Darwish, in particular his poem “The Soldier Dreams of White Lilies.” In an article about Darwish, Adam Shatz writes that:

In “A Soldier Dreaming of White Lilies,” written just after the 1967 war, Mr. Darwish tells of an Israeli friend who decided to leave the country after returning home from the front.

I want a good heart Not the weight of a gun’s magazine.
I refuse to die
Turning my gun my love
On women and children.

The poem elicited ferociously polarized reactions, Mr. Darwish said: “The secretary general of the Israeli Communist Party said: `How come Darwish writes such a poem? Is he asking us to leave the country to become peace lovers?’ And Arabs said, `How dare you humanize the Israeli soldier.’ “

It’s also worth noting the character of Rita, an Israeli lover, who inhabits decades of Darwish’s poetry and was immortalized in the Marcel Khalife song with lyrics by Darwish “Rita and the Rifle.”

The first sympathetic Palestinian character in Israeli fiction on the other hand is widely considered to be the teenage Naim in A. B. Yehoshua‘s “The Lover,” written in 1977, although as panelists pointed out, even when depicterd sympathetically, few Palestinian characters in Israeli fiction are allowed to speak for themselves (in a previous Yehoshua short story, “Facing the Forests,” the Palestinian character is physically silenced: his tongue has been cut out).

Lerer, the head of the publishing house Andalus, spoke of their project to translate literature from Arabic to Hebrew, started in 2000 (she said that the number of works translated from Arabic to Hebrew is disproportionately small, both compared to translations from Western languages and to translations from Hebrew to Arabic). Unfortunately the project is currently stalled, due to generally dismal sales (a novel by the master Tayyib Saleh sold 150 copies).

According to the Israeli panelists, Israeli literature strives for a “high” literary tone and effaces both the inner heterogeneity of the Israeli experience (spoken language, Yiddish, dialects, the voices of Sephardic Jews) and links to Arabic culture and language. Laor spoke of the “fetishization of Western culture” and Lerer said that “the major Israeli policy today is building walls,” including in the field of culture.

In an afternoon panel (Sami Chetrit, Ella Shohat, Sinan Antoon and Ammiel Alcalay) this point came up again, with participants noting the difficulty of getting works by Arab Jews translated and published, because these works are not easily categorizable and challenge prevailing dichotomies.

In this panel, about “The writer as public intellectual,” the participants discussed not only the challenge for Middle Eastern writers and intellectuals of interjecting some nuance into thoroughly polarized debates, but also the growing ethnification of literature and academia, with ethnic/sectarian/racial categories expected to correspond to political positions or ideologies. Thus Sinan Antoon, an Iraqi Christian who left Iraq in 1991, has been approached and asked to write about “Iraqi Christian literature” (a category he is doubtful exists). When Ammiel Alcalay was trying to get a book about a Jewish convert to Islam in Iraq of the 1930s (by Shimon Ballas, an Iraqi Jew who emigrated to Israel in 1951) published, an editor told him: “This is an amazing book. But what does it have to do with Israel?”

I think the desire to fit Arab and Muslim and Jewish literature into identifiable categories goes beyond the “market niche” mentality of publishing and speaks to a view of the Middle East as one in which everyone can be categorized by religion/ethnicity/tribe and in which writers are often expected to inform us in some (often politically) useful way about their particular community. What I’ve often thought of as “the instrumental value” approach to, and what Antoon labelled the “forensic interest” in, Arab/Muslim literature drives me absolutely nuts and deserves a whole separate post.

In the meantime, for work that challenges such views, you may be interested in the recently published “Outcast” by Shimon Ballas, “I’jaam, an iraqi rhapsody” by Antoon, and “Scrapmetal” by Ammiel Alcalay. I picked up all three and can’t wait to read them. I would also keep my eyes out for the forthcoming English translation of Yitzhak Laor’s work. He read an excerpt and it was dark and hilarious.

The Brotherhood on US TV

I got home this evening after a day spent at NYU at a very interesting literary symposium (that I hope to blog about tomorrow). Flipping channels, I happened on a segment of the PBS series “America at a Crossroads” called “The Brotherhood.” It’s interesting but I can’t help finding parts of it a bit tendentious and alarmist–the show’s main question (“Does the Brotherhood support terrorism?”) seems to be largely rhetorical. One problem is that when Brotherhood members express support for Hamas and Hezbullah, this is taken as evidence that the organization may be “terrorist.” Typically, the narrators interview a Brotherhood member, saying something like “we do not support violence,” and then cuts to a shot of masked Hamas members waving guns. The other problem is that the Brotherhood’s goal of establishing “Islamic rule on earth” is seen as an actual practical aim (rather than an ideological statement) and as inherently troubling. The narrators show a document that mentions this goal, to a background of ominous music. Don’t get me wrong, I’m not in favour of establishing any religious rule on earth, but would people be equally concerned about an organization that said its goal was to establish “Christian rule on earth”?

I didn’t see the whole segment (I think I caught the last half). I do think it’s an interesting topic to cover–I’ve always wanted to find out more about the inner workings of the Brotherhood–and that it’s great that it’s being covered by a serious program on US TV. But, perhaps unsurprisingly, the show left me with more questions than answers.

It’s Islamofascism Awareness Day

Oh yes it is:

The campus project was planned by conservative writer and activist David Horowitz as a response to attempts last year by officials at Pace University to prevent a Jewish student group from hosting a screening of “Obsession” on the university’s West-chester, N.Y., campus.

Mr. Horowitz, whose Terrorism Awareness Project is sponsoring tomorrow’s events, said the use of the term “Islamofascism” is part of the educational mission of the “teach-ins” planned around the film showings.

“The most important thing is to make people recognize who the enemy is. People cringe when we use the word ‘Islamofascism’ because they haven’t been prepared for it,” he said in a telephone interview, adding that there are real similarities between Islamic extremism and the fascism of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. “It’s not for nothing that the Iranian army goose-steps.”

“Obsession” won best feature-film honors at the 2005 Liberty Film Festival. It has been widely praised by conservatives and broadcast on the Fox News Channel.

The movie made headlines when members of the Pace chapter of Hillel, a collegiate Jewish organization, said they were “intimidated” by university administrators after a campus Muslim group complained of Hillel’s plan to show the documentary in November as part of Judaism Awareness Week.

Can’t wait for Christianofascism and Judeofascism (better known as Zionism) Awareness days. Come to think of it, how about Shintofascism and Hindufascism Awareness?

[Thanks, E.]

Bill O’Reilly, geostrategist

Bill O’Reilly interviews Condoleeza Rice. Laughable (bold mine):

QUESTION: We have Madame Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice on the line, and last time we spoke was last summer and you were confident then that the UN was going to really get tough on Iran. It didn’t happen until last week. Why the delay with Iran? Why is the world not being tougher on this country?

SECRETARY RICE: Well, we’ve actually had two Security Council resolutions on Iran and I think they’ve gotten progressively tougher. But what we’ve really been able to do, Bill, is to use those Security Council resolutions to allow what I would call collateral effects on the Iranian economy, meaning that those Chapter 7 resolutions which puts Iran in very bad company has made people think twice about investment. We know that the number of export credits that they’re getting is going down. They’re having trouble using the financial and banking systems. So, in fact, I think we’re having an effect on the Iranians. I can’t tell you when reasonable people in Iran will decide that they can’t afford the level of isolation, but I think we’re having an effect.

QUESTION: Okay. But see, it doesn’t play out that way in front of the world because they grab 15 British military and they thumb their nose at the world and they continue to cause trouble in Iraq and they do all this other business. So while behind the scenes what you’re saying may be true — I have no reason to doubt it — in front of the world this is still a rogue nation that’s actually winning. You know, they’re embarrassing Great Britain in this situation and, you know, that means a lot in the Arab world.

SECRETARY RICE: Well, they’re clearly a rogue nation. I would agree with you on that. But I think that we are dealing with a situation in which the Iranians are just getting more and more isolated. This latest seizure of these British sailors is not going to improve their position in the world; it’s going to worsen their position in the world. And they need to release these people.

QUESTION: All right. Well, hope you’re right. You know, I’m not sure. I don’t know if the world has the will to confront the bad guys at this point in history.

Also don’t miss Bill’s insightful analysis on Iraq:

QUESTION: I believe that, but I don’t know if you’re going to be able to rally the American public after four years of disappointment in that theater. And my analysis is the Iraqi people themselves haven’t stepped up. They’re more interested in killing each other than they are in forming a democratic nation. You had a success in Kuwait after the first Gulf War. You had a success in Afghanistan after the Taliban was removed. You are not having a success in the hearts and minds in Iraq. There’s simply too many killers there, too many factions that don’t want democracy. And I’m not sure, no matter what surge you have, that you an overcome the Iraqi people not cooperating.

SECRETARY RICE: Bill, if that were the case, I would agree with you. If the problem was the Iraqi people and that they did not want to live in a stable society together, I would agree with you. But I don’t think that is the issue.

QUESTION: Then who’s killing each other?

SECRETARY RICE: But these are death squads and militias and terrorists who are keeping not just us from succeeding, but Americans — Iraqis from succeeding.

QUESTION: There are so many of them. There are so many of them.

So confusing. Poor Bill.

The khamseen

100 0403.1

Today, one of the nastiest Khamseen in years is blowing through Cairo. My balcony is covered in dust, and the old doors and windows of my 1940s apartment are letting the fine red sand carried by the wind blow in, covering everything in the house with a thin sliver of dust. Your mouth feels dry and mealy, your nose congested, and their a vaguely rancid odor of hanging in the air.

The above picture, taken from the balcony at Arabist HQ (at an undisclosed location in Garden City) shows that you barely see the outline of the tall buildings in the distance, such as the new Four Seasons hotel. In fact, you barely see across the road.

Seeing all of this made me think about finding out more about the khamseen. Wikipedia informs us the term can be used generically, and is used commonly in at least Egypt and Israel:

Hamsin (from Arabic:خمسين, khamsīn or khamseen) is a Middle Eastern term for the dry, hot wind that blows in from the desert. It can refer to the wind that blows from the Sahara across Egypt in the spring, typically from March through May; or in Israel, for the easterly wind that brings dust from the Arabian desert to cities and oppressive pressure on the people.

I found this explanation rather unsatisfactory and turned to Cassandra Vivian’s The Western Desert of Egypt, the ultimate guide to Egypt’s main desert. It has a short chapter on Saharan winds, describing the possible variants:

In the spring, from March to May comes the special sandstorm, the khamasin, (the 50). The season lasts for 50 days, and most storms are a few days in duration. Called siroccos in Morocco, qibli in Libya, cheheli in the northern Sahara, irifi along the coast and ouahdy in the central Sahara, the storms of North Africa each have their own special personality. Some, like the khamasin, are hot winds, others cold winds, but all are laden with sand and dust. The khamasin blows from the south to the northwest, in opposition to the prevailing winds. The harmattan in West Africa is a cold northeasterly wind that blows in November through February. The simum, ‘poison wind,’ is hot and dry and temperatures reach 55C or 130F. The habub is hot and moist and is prevalent along the southern edges of the Sahara and in Sudan. It carried sandstorms and duststorms, but can be the harbinger of thunderstorms and small tornadoes. With each storm lasting about three hours, the habub is mostly a summer affair. Its wall of sand and dust can be as high as 900 meters (3,000 feet).

Looking at some more academic sources, you find out some rather amazing facts. Did you for instance know that 40 million tons of dust are transported annually from the Sahara to the Amazon, providing the main source of sediments that fertilize the Amazon basin across a distance of 5,000km?

A Google search also yielded this language column in the Forward by Philologos:

The hamsin is probably called “50” because this is, on a rough average, the number of days per year that it blows. These days can be divided into two equal periods, one in springtime, as Ondaatje writes, from March to May, and one in autumn, from September to November. (A cold, dry wind like the hamsin, known in Arabic as a sharkiyya or “easterly” — our English word “sirocco” derives from it — blows in much of the Middle East in winter.) In Israel the hamsin, while it strikes from the east or northeast, has two possible points of ultimate origin far to the west. One is North Africa, Egypt or even the Sahara, from which the wind whirls around cyclonically in a great circle through Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Syria; the other takes the form of an anti-cyclonic high-pressure front moving across the northern Mediterranean through Turkey and again wheeling, first southward and then westward, across Mesopotamia. In either case, the wind reaches the end of its land journey over Israel — particularly, over the northern part of it — before petering out at sea, so that many of the desert storms that will continue to bedevil the allied forces in Iraq for the next month and a half will rage across the Galilee a few days later.

The word hamsin comes from Egypt and has spread throughout the Arabic of the Middle East. Israelis use it colloquially too, although in more formal language, such as that of weather forecasts in the newspapers or on TV, it is replaced by the more “proper” Hebrew term sharav. And in the book of Exodus, the hamsin is called quite simply ruah. kadim, an east wind. Back in those days, it caused military problems too. When Pharaoh’s chariots, the equivalent of a modern tank brigade, pursued the Israelites to the Red Sea, “the Lord,” the Bible tells us, “caused the sea to go back by a strong east wind, all that night, and made the sea dry land, and the waters were divided.” Then the Israelites passed through, the violent hamsin that had rolled back the water died down, and the sea returned to drown the Egyptians.

Of course it’s not only in the Bible that the khamseen is referred to. Many travelers wandering through North Africa mention it. For instance, the BBC has gathered an extensive collection of memoirs from British soldiers who fought Rommel’s Afrika Korps in Egypt’s Western Desert. One is a testimony, titled “Hell Alamein,” of a soldier who arrives in Egypt in August 1942 and is sent out to a place in the desert called Kassassin to face the Nazis and the unbearable heat:

Not many days after we had been at Kassassin, this cauldron seemed to boil over. That was the day the dreaded Kahmseen dropped like a blanket. I shall always remember my first experience of this terror from the interior wastes of Africa. The air came from the desert far inland, not from the Mediterranean as it usually did. Blistering not air, with minute particles of sand floating in their millions, floated through the sky, shutting out the perpetual blue, and turning the heavens into a mass of grey.

The first time it hit me, I felt as if someone had placed a smothering pillow over my face. It was almost impossible to breathe. I felt the red-hot air going up my nostrils and making me choke as it reached back of my throat. Huge sand-spouts wended their way from the earth to the sky in darkening wavy pillars, and when I saw them coming, I hurriedly dived out of their path. On one occasion I was too late, and was caught in a whirling column of sand, which torched me like the blast from a furnace, making me gasp frantically for breath.

In the evenings during Khamsen, it was torture trying to get to sleep. I’d lie naked as the day I was born, with only a blanket below me to keep the sand off my body, and close my eyes, firmly determined to get some sleep. I’d sweat and sweat, the liquid oozing from the pores of my body like a slowly-pressed sponge and running in rivulets down the side of my stomach. Eventually, I’d manage to drop off for a few hours, only to awaken at dawn to find myself in a pool of my own perspiration, and so exh
austed that I’d feel as if I hadn’t slept in years.

Once this terrible Khamseen arrived, I soon learned that it was certain to last for at least three days. That was the minimum. That then was the country that my comrades and myself encountered and, consequently, our first battle was not against the Germans but against Mother Nature.

A few days of sand swirling through tents, hitting our faces and bodies, and sticking to every nook and cranny, it was little wonder that dysentery set in, in its worst form. We just couldn’t avoid it. Sand was everywhere. It blew in our food and we ate it with bully beef, stew, wretched sweet potatoes, melons, or whatever was on the menu. The flies, too, lent their dirty, disease-ridden feet and gobbling filthy mouths to the daily misery. These were not like the flies back home which disappeared when you aimed a blow at them. These merely got out of the way when the blow fell and returned next second as if to attest their total disdain for the human race.

It was a contest at meal-time, you versus the flies, with the nasty fluttering creatures winning nine times out of ten. I used to take a newspaper with me to every meal, to place over the top of my mug of tea while I ate the rest of the repast. Then I’d prepare myself for the battle ahead. With one hand, I would quickly snatch the newspaper away, while, with the other, I practically threw my mug to my mouth. In all, the swift motion took me about a second — but the insects took only half second — and before a single drop of the tea got over my throat, my mug was rimmed with buzzing flies. How then could dysentery be prevented in stomachs not yet acclimatised to the desert hazards?

Sir Edwin Arnold, an English poet and orientalist most famous for his translation of the Baghavad Gita, used the khamseen as a backdrop for a poem on the theme of mercy. One of his poems is reprinted in The Dog’s Book of Verse (available at Project Guttenberg), a collection of poems about the canine species, tells the story of how a woman condemned to death is saved by Saladin because she relieves a hound’s thirst during the khamseen:

MERCY’S REWARD

Hast seen
The record written of Salah-ud-Deen,
The Sultan–how he met, upon a day,
In his own city on the public way,
A woman whom they led to die? The veil
Was stripped from off her weeping face, and pale
Her shamed cheeks were, and wild her fixed eye,
And her lips drawn with terror at the cry
Of the harsh people, and the rugged stones
Borne in their hands to break her flesh and bones;
For the law stood that sinners such as she
Perish by stoning, and this doom must be;
So went the adult’ress to her death.
High noon it was, and the hot Khamseen’s breath
Blew from the desert sands and parched the town.
The crows gasped, and the kine went up and down
With lolling tongues; the camels moaned; a crowd
Pressed with their pitchers, wrangling high and loud
About the tank; and one dog by a well,
Nigh dead with thirst, lay where he yelped and fell,
Glaring upon the water out of reach,
And praying succour in a silent speech,
So piteous were its eyes.
Which, when she saw,
This woman from her foot her shoe did draw,
Albeit death-sorrowful, and, looping up
The long silk of her girdle, made a cup
Of the heel’s hollow, and thus let it sink
Until it touched the cool black water’s brink;
So filled th’ embroidered shoe, and gave a draught
To the spent beast, which whined, and fawned, and quaffed
Her kind gift to the dregs; next licked her hand,
With such glad looks that all might understand
He held his life from her; then, at her feet
He followed close, all down the cruel street,
Her one friend in that city.
But the King,
Riding within his litter, marked this thing,
And how the woman, on her way to die
Had such compassion for the misery
Of that parched hound: “Take off her chain, and place
The veil once more about the sinner’s face,
And lead her to her house in peace!” he said.
“The law is that the people stone thee dead
For that which thou hast wrought; but there is come
Fawning around thy feet a witness dumb,
Not heard upon thy trial; this brute beast
Testifies for thee, sister! whose weak breast
Death could not make ungentle. I hold rule
In Allah’s stead, who is ‘the Merciful,’
And hope for mercy; therefore go thou free–
I dare not show less pity unto thee.”

As we forgive–and more than we–
Ya Barr! Good God, show clemency.

So if you happen to see those yellow baladi dogs (my favorite dogs of all) wandering the streets their throats parched, it might be a good idea to put out a little water for them to drink.

“a couple guys do some things that were questionable..”

We’ve all seen the massacres and crimes and atrocities that some US forces have committed in Iraq and Afghanistan–as inevitably as members of every occupying power before them.

But as this article in today’s Washington Post makes clear, what’s perhaps even more worrying are the actions of the 20,000 or so private security contractors in Iraq, who fall under no legal system whatsoever and a few of whom apparently like to get their kicks by taking target practice on elderly taxi drivers. (It’s also worth noting the racist employment policies of the security companies: American nationals get paid $600 a day, “third state” nationals, that is non-American, non-Iraqis, get paid..$70.)

I remember a journalist friend, who had gone to live in Baghdad from pretty much day one of the invasion, telling me years ago about contractors killing Iraqi civilians–and each other!–pretty indiscriminately. I’ve always wondered why the batallion of contractors in Iraq and their actions wasn’t a bigger story.

‘125 Release Orders’ and Still Detained

When opposition politicians and rights groups complained that amendments to Egypt’s constitution would enshrine the Emergency Law in the Constitution by giving police free rein to arrest, search, and spy on citizens without judicial warrants, some government officials responded with the line, “You just need to trust us. These powers are only for legitimate investigations into terrorism cases” (paraphrasing here). It was a line the Bush administration had previously used to respond to criticisms of the PATRIOT Act.

Last week, Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated MP Farid Ismail petitioned Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif and Interior Minister Habib al-Adli regarding a case that neatly illustrates why the “trust us” line doesn’t work. Security forces arrested five kids, some of them as young as 15, from the al-Sharqiyya governorate in the Nile Delta on suspicion of belonging to Islamic Jihad following the 1997 terrorist attacks in Luxor. In the 10 years since, Ismail said, magistrates have ordered their release 125 times each, saying there was no evidence to keep them detained. No matter. A decade later, they are still in prison.

Now, I’m in favor of locking up people who want to blow up innocent people. And I can understand that in the wake of a big terrorist attack, you might want to err on the side of caution. But you’ve got to do it in a way that ensures that you get the right people, and that lets innocent people caught up in the sweep get back to their lives, ideally with compensation (though how do you compensate someone who’s spent a week with electrodes on his tongue, nipples, and genitals? Mawlish doesn’t quite cover it). This is why the legal protections are so important. I have no idea if these five are innocent, but 125 release orders (times five is what? 625) from magistrates who have seen all the evidence strongly suggests that they are.

If the good people working for Egypt’s stability and security won’t respect what slender legal protections exist today, how are we supposed to “trust them” when those legal protections are gone?

Right. Apologies for the rant, but this is a particularly outrageous case.