“Egypt rejects American Satan”

Remember this headline, in the state-owned newspaper of a supposedly secular, US-friendly regime run by a military that receives $1.3bn in US aid per year.  Via:

And while we’re at it: 

al-Masri al-Youm

I don’t think I can take much more of the smug, self-congratulatory tone of al-Masri al-Youm anymore.

Every one of their main stories (on worthy subjects such as their risible AUC-Pentagon scandal, the Ayman Nour-Gameela Ismail divorce or their claim to have had the scoop on the recent arrests of alleged) Hizbullah operatives) contains a pat on their own back about how they got the story. Are they trying to make up for the real scoop al-Shorouk got (even if some aspects were wrong) on the Sudan bombing?

I officially declare the al-Masri al-Youm era of Egyptian journalism over. Not sure what the new era is, but they no longer have the same authority they once did.

The April 6 strike as seen by Egyptian newspapers

The headlines in today’s Egyptian dailies:

The state press

– Al-Ahram (loyal and sycophantic): As per Mubarak’s instructions, LE10bn will be earmarked for social welfare and job creation.

– Al-Akhbar (dour and old-fashioned): “Call for strike: no room for chaos and production stoppage.”

– Al-Gomhouriya (gloating): “Egypt does not acknowledge chaos.”

– Rose al-Youssef (triumphant): “New defeats for the supporters of the strike.”

The mainstream independent press

– Al-Masri al-Youm (brutally honest): A failed strike.

– Al-Shorouq al-Gedid (poetic): 6 April: calm streets and timid protests.

– Nahdet Misr (laconic): A strike without strikers.

The opposition-independent press

– Al-Badil (embarrassed): Weak participation in strike.

– Al-Dostour (oblivious): 6 April: small protests

The real big story of the day, though, are allegations by Masri al-Youm editor Magdi Gallad that Ayman Nour’s wife and stalwart supporter, Gamila Ismail (well-known in Egypt as a former television presenter and later an advocate for her husband) that Gamila sent him a SMS saying she was divorcing Ayman. Ayman Nour then reportedly demanded that Gallad withdraw the edition of the paper where the information was published (with promises of a follow-up), which Gallad refused while lambasting Nour for attacking freedom of the press on public figures when Nour himself wants more transparency on public officials. It’s not clear whether the news regarding the divorce has been confirmed yet, and Gamila has reportedly disappeared.

On al-Shorouk

Jack Shenker has a timely article on al-Shorouk newspaper for The Arab Press Network, in which he interviews me:

“Although this has attracted criticism from opposition activists, some commentators see it as an important step towards the independent media in Egypt gaining the maturity, and thus credibility, it requires to thrive. ‘Ibrahim El-Moalem [El-Shorouk’s publisher], is not known as an opposition figure, or as someone who takes courageous stands against the government like Ibrahim Eissa [editor of Al-Dustour]’ observed the Arabist, a prominent Egyptian blogger who has written extensively on the Egyptian media scene. ‘He’s going at it with a more professional point of view and a less lurid tone and I think that’s what’s needed in this market, where the tendency is to provide relentlessly negative coverage of the government.’

If El-Shorouk’s target readership is those still clinging to Al-Ahram, it couldn’t have entered the fray at a better time. Three-quarters of Egyptian media remain under government control, but state newspapers are a sinking ship: publications are believed to be collectively in debt to the tune of LE 5-6 billion ($887m to $1.06bn), and morale is at rock bottom in the underpaid, overstaffed newsrooms (Al-Ahram alone employs 1400 journalists) where the standard of stories is often low. El-Shorouk has the money behind it to snap up the best columnists and has even struck syndication deals with international papers like the New York Times enabling it translate and publish some of their content, a move which some believe could transform it into a genuine challenger to the pan-Arab dailies like Al-Quds Al-Arabi and Asharq al-Awsat, both currently published from London.

It remains to be seen though whether this attempt to expand the independent media market in a fresh direction will be enough to bring El-Shorouk long-term stability. For Hamdy Hassan, a media expert at the Al-Ahram institute, the problem with the new paper is not what it has done, but rather what it has failed to do. ‘At a time when the average newspaper reader is getting older, what we needed was a really new outlook, a new language for editing that would bring more young people to the medium,’ argues Dr Hassan. ‘I expected El-Shorouk to provide all of that and prove competitive, but I’m afraid it hasn’t. In other parts of the world the newspaper industry is innovating – audience research projects in America, new tabloid and hybrid formats in Britain – but El-Shorouk has proved to be essentially a copy of what is already on offer, and as a business model that will never be successful.’

With a relative dearth of objective research into readership habits, it’s hard to pinpoint how and why Egypt’s newspaper readers make their daily purchasing choices. The Arabist believes that the ultimate triumph or failure of El-Shorouk will depend on its ability to pull out the big scoops. ‘No one thought Al-Masry Al-Yom would last when it first launched, but it made its name by breaking stories no-one else had, especially around the time of parliamentary elections,’ he says. ‘We’re not in an election period now but we do now have a 24 hour news cycle, where unlike before the independent press can break scandals and force the government to respond the same day. If El-Shorouk can become a part of that process then it will flourish; consistent, solid reporting will always create its own market.'”

Note the interview was given when I was still unsure about the Sudan attack story (it had been published that morning). And Jack, I’m not Egyptian!

I’d like to add my own notes on al-Shorouk, out of interest for those who follow media development (where I have a little experience). Al-Shorouk took months of development amidst uncertainty about its editorial team and direction. It is probably still trying to find its voice and hit cruising speed, which should take one to two years (it is now less than two years old.) It is entering the market at a time when advertising revenue is, according to an industry figure I spoke to, down 40%. It has reportedly given high salaries in an industry that, in cases like al-Dustour and Sawt al-Umma (both run by Ibrahim Eissa and his proteges and owned by publisher Essam Fahmi, who honed down the model of sales-driven weeklies over the last decade) often follows the sweatshop model. A lot of investment has gone into it, and it will be interesting to see whether how long it takes to recoup that investment with this business model and the context of a financial crisis, especially when the market is full of parasitical newspapers. For one rival I spoke to, al-Shorouk is bound to fail editorially (no sense of mission – yet) and commercially (too much initial investment into marketing, salaries not commensurate with market, etc.) I am not entirely convinced: if al-Shorouk hits its stride, gets combination of big name commentary and solid reporting, it may succeed beyond current market leader (along with al-Ahram) Masri al-Youm. But I think it will need those few big stories that make its name, and the Sudan attack one could be one of those. As I told Jack, even in a market that has parasitical newspapers (i.e. that sell a couple of thousand of copies only), if you build a reputable news-driven product, they (the readers) will come.

The economics of Egyptian media

There is a storm brewing among the biggest editorialists of Egypt’s press scene. It has been reported that a few days ago, Salama Ahmed Salama, the doyen of reasonable, non-partisan commentators at al-Ahram, had a violent clash with the chairman of the board of the august newspaper, Mursi Atallah. Atallah wanted Salama to stop his involvement in Shorouq al-Gedid, the new independent daily that, by going for a highbrow audience and staid style, is trying to place itself in competition to the flagship state-owned daily. Salama is said to have resigned immediately and walked out, depriving al-Ahram of one of its most respected icons whom for a long time ran the central desk (correct me if I’m wrong) that is so central to the way Egyptian newspapers tend to be run. (Although lately, due to illness, Salama had been a lot less present.)

Now Atallah has apparently issued a directive to some other frequent op-ed writers who are part of the al-Ahram stable asking them to stop freelance contributions to other papers. But these – for instance the good people at the al-Ahram Center for Strategic and Political Studies like Abdel Moneim Said Ali, Amr Chobaki and Dia Rachwan (who each come from quite different political trends, respectively NDP-liberal, left-liberal and Nasserist) – are rather pissed off about this. It would be rather odd, say for a British or American editor, to see the names of his employees appear in other papers. For instance Abdel Moneim Said writes for al-Ahram, Masri al-Youm and Nahdet Misr. But this practice is widespread in Egypt, offering these public intellectuals a platform across different media and of course diversified income. Considering al-Ahram still clings to a salary model that is highly reliant on bonuses (which themselves vary according to the chairman’s whim), I can’t say I blame them. This particular trio appeared on TV last night (on ‘ashira masa’an, Dream 2) to protest the new directive from Atallah, which comes in the context of a long-running feud between the chairman and al-Ahram editor Osama Saraya.

More generally, this kerfuffle involving some “big names” in Egyptian political commentary points to a wider problem in the industry: bizarre salary scales, and for ordinary journalists the fact that it is a poorly paid profession that offers for the most part little prospects of career and social advancement, which in tuns contributes to a tolerance of low-quality journalism and (especially in al-Ahram and state papers) pages filled with repetitive commentary by people just filling in their weekly allocation of column inches.

Several years ago, when Mubarak sacked most of the chairmen and editors (often they were the same person) of the big government publishing houses, it was noted that these would need serious reform to survive in a more market-centered industry. Salama was one of the most important advocates of this reform. That reform still has to come – no one wants to let go of some of al-Ahram 1400 journalists, a major voting bloc for the politically hyperactive Journalists’ Syndicate – but the distortions and wide-ranging freelancing of many of its writers suggests that many are simply taking matters into their own hands. The question will inevitably come: does Egypt really need al-Ahram, al-Akhbar or al-Gomhouriya? Or are these dinosaurs of Nasserism mostly serve today the function of keeping a large staff employed, providing the government with an outlet for its point of view, and perhaps slowing down the expansion of independent media by mopping up a lot of premium advertising income? The problem is, are we even sure that independent media can do better in terms of editorial quality and political independence? Not necessarily, and certainly not unless the everyday reporters are paid a living wage.


CBS’ 60 Minutes on Palestine

This has been much talked about in the last few days, and I have just caught up with it and watched it. The incredible, unprecedented thing about this documentary is that it takes the time to examine the living conditions of Palestinians, the nasty mindedness of the settler movement and Israel’s policy of supporting it. All of this is public knowledge for those who care to look for it, the big deal here is that for those who don’t care, just turned on the TV, are ill-informed, a US broadcaster has just shown a straight-up account of the occupation of Palestine that is not automatically followed by a “Israel says this, Palestinians say that” idiocy or a reaffirmation of “Israel’s right to defend itself.” So yes, it’s a big deal.

Watch on the CBS website (can be difficult with low-speed internet), or YouTube (part 1, part 2) and then take the time to thanks CBS for having given the settlement issue a fair hearing.

Obama’s TV appearance

A very few quick notes on Obama’s appearance on Arabiya TV:

– Very good on the Obama team to have made this move, which was necessary, so quickly.
– It repairs some, but only some, of the damage caused by his silence on Gaza.
– The choice of Arabiya was most probably a decision to appeal to the Saudis, have Obama underline the importance of their Arab Initiative which has been snubbed by Israel and the US under Bush.
– Nonetheless Arabiya is problematic – this is the channel dubbed Hibriya (The Hebrew One) because of its coverage of the Gaza crisis and that generally defends the views of Riyadh, Cairo and other problematic US allies. This confirms that Obama will not, like Bush since 2006, go against Egypt and Saudi on domestic issues and there won’t be a rethink of the US relationship with these. But if you thought that would happen, you’re stupid.
– Should Obama have gone to Jazeera instead? Perhaps not, for both domestic reasons (the criticism he would expose himself to, even if unwarranted) and because there are genuine US complaints about Jazeera. But at some later point, he should go to Jazeera – especially if it is to pitch a major conflict resolution initiative in the region. At the end of the day, despite its bias, Arabiya is the number two pan-Arab stations. (In many countries, like the rest of the world, Arabs actually watch their national TV stations most.)
– Obama’s next move should be to disband al-Hurra. It’s a useless waste of money.
– Obama’s line that the US should “start by listening” will be taken (along with the phone calls) with enormous pleasure by Egyptian diplomats, among others, who felt that the advice of Arab allies was ignored under Bush.
– I am also disturbed at why an American president would say Israel’s security is “paramount” – as in more important than anything? Why should it be? Why not say it’s a “red line” in the grand old style of Arab leaders?
– What this says (as much as this kind of interview can say anything deep) is that the Obama approach compared to Bush, for now, is more active and tough on Iran, same on Israel but more involved on peace process, Forward Agenda for Freedom is dropped because conflict resolution and managing Iran is more important, and greater attention to communication issues.

The professional analysis is of course at Marc Lynch’s blog, here and here. Juan Cole has the interview and transcript. Update: Another take here.

Regarding the issue of Hillary Clinton’s “Israel’s right to defend itself” comment, I think the US should stop using this formulation. Why not instead say, “did Hamas expect Israel to do nothing as it launched rockets?” Obviously I’d like to see some serious concern, repeatedly voiced, for the IDF’s behavior in Gaza and the disproportionality of the conflict.

Jon Stewart on America, the media, and Gaza

Perhaps the most balanced, incisive, and interesting commentary on how the Gaza crisis has been handled in the US:

US coverage of Gaza War

Industry watchdog Editor & Publisher:

NEW YORK (Commentary) Israel launched its much-anticipated invasion of Gaza on Saturday. For over a week, U.S. media had provided largely one-sided coverage of the conflict, with little editorializing or commentary arguing against broader Israeli actions.

Most notably, after more than eight days of Israeli bombing and Hamas rocket launching in Gaza, The New York Times had produced exactly one editorial, not a single commentary by any of its columnists, and only two op-eds (one already published elsewhere). The editorial, several days ago, did argue against the wisdom of a ground invasion – – but even though that invasion had become ever more likely all week the paper did not return to this subject.

Amazingly, the paper has kept that silence going in Sunday’s paper, with no editorial or columnist comment on the Israeli invasion. The Washington Post did manage to work up an editorial for Sunday which, in the usual contortionist manner, found the invasion “justified” but also highly “risky.”

[From UPDATED: Media Commentary Muted as Israel Invades]