Sick on Clinton’s Arab strategy

Gary Sick, a Columbia University professor and eminent scholar of the Persian Gulf, has written a short essay on Hillary Clinton’s recent threat to “obliterate Iran” should it attack Israel for the excellent Gulf 2000 listserv he maintains. Notwithstanding the chiefly domestic US political reasons that led Clinton to engage in rather vulgar sable-rattling, Sick analyzes Clinton’s announced strategy of building an Arab security structure designed to isolate Iran, seeing in it both a continuation of Bush administration policies (they just call it the “Sunni-Shia divide”) and a revival of the Clinton administration’s “dual containment” policy towards Iran and Iraq in the 1990s, which enrolled the aid of Arab countries.

This isn’t too surprising, since the architect of dual containment was Martin Indyk, who also heads Hillary Clinton’s foreign policy team and is a contender for Secretary of State in the (now hopefully) unlikely event of her election. Sick’s essay, republished below, highlights something that has become increasingly clear to me in recent years: the continuation, despite superficial differences, between certain Clinton policies and those of the Bush White House when it comes to Middle East policy. It’s not only that the Clintons had their own group of people who favored an invasion of Iraq to depose Saddam Hussein in the late 1990s, but also an attitude of refusing negotiations with Iran (or other designated enemies) and a strategic approach to the region that tends to prioritize not only access and control of oil resources, a perennial feature of US policy, but also puts Israel first in strategic considerations. Considering Indyk’s own AIPAC background this is not surprising, but these policies have been extremely damaging to US interests and, more importantly, the people of the region (notably the Iraqis who suffered tremendously under the Clinton-backed sanctions regime).

This is not to say that Clinton and Bush are the same — over domestic issues and many international ones Hillary Clinton is light years ahead of GW Bush (although arguably not GHW Bush). But in their strategic approach to the Middle East, it’s becoming clearer to me that we are seeing basically the same policies expressed without the bravado of the Bushies. A bad policy, even if implemented with caution, is still a bad policy. Sick, a Clinton supporter, provides an excellent analysis of why one should choose Obama as the better Democratic alternative on foreign policy. Read it all.

Hillary Clinton’s warning that the United States could “obliterate” Iran if that country should “foolishly consider” launching an attack on Israel is, of course, pandering to a broad American constituency that wants to hear tough rhetoric about Iran. It is also intended to appeal to a constituency that needs constant reassurance that America’s relationship with Israel is secure. And, by addressing a strategic hypothetical that would by any measure be many years in the future (“in the next ten years” in her words), it seems intended to convince doubters that a woman is tough enough – perhaps more than tough enough – to be commander in chief.

Continue reading Sick on Clinton’s Arab strategy

Economist blogs Iran’s elections

A lot of goof stuff here, but I found this particularly funny:

I must still be groggy from the all-night travel. At my first attempt to use the phone, a Tokyo Rose voice intones in American English, “In the name of God, the number you have dialled does not exist. Please hang up and check the number.�

On the more serious side, on the many candidates blocked from eligibility:

D is among the 2,000-odd parliamentary candidates whose electoral bid was nipped in the bud by the Guardians’ Council, the 12-man, unelected body of senior clerics which takes upon itself the duty of vetting candidates for public office. D is particularly upset because he had taken special care to avoid being branded a reformist, and therefore automatically suspect in the eyes of the conservative Guardians.

Although relatively liberal in his views, he had been encouraged to run by several hard-line MPs. D had also quit a well-paying job, and invested much time and money in his campaign. “I would have thought I was exactly the kind of young face, committed to working inside the system, and not associated with any controversy, that they would have wanted to encourage,� he says.

Yet almost worse than the fact of the rejection is that he has no idea what grounds it was based on. He knows from neighbours that anonymous agents made inquiries about his general behaviour, such as whether he attended prayers regularly at the local mosque. Someone from the Guardians’ Council even called D to ask a few polite questions, such as where he got his MA degree (that qualification, newly introduced for this election, has been attacked as yet another obstacle intended to block competition, since sitting MPs, overwhelmingly conservative, are exempted from it). There was, he admits, a brief pause when he said it was from an American university.

After notice came of his disqualification, D was slightly mollified to receive a letter, informing him that it was his right to demand an official explanation. So far, the Guardians have not replied to any of his repeated requests. D even asked lawyer friends whether he could sue the council, not for disqualifying him but simply for failing to provide a reason. The advice was that this would be a bad idea. It would be taken as a hostile act, damaging to the reputation of the Islamic Republic.

That being said, still a more polite form of election rigging than what’s going on right now in Egypt’s municipal elections.

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